Why Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order Is Essential for Defending the West

Warwick Grey

September 8, 2025

5 min read

Fukuyama’s The Origins of Political Order reveals why the Western model of liberty, law, and accountable power is rare, precious, and urgently needs defending.
Why Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order Is Essential for Defending the West
Photo by Astrid Stawiarz/Getty Images for The Leakey Foundation

Francis Fukuyama’s The Origins of Political Order is far more than a conventional work of history. It is a masterclass in how political institutions are formed, how they survive, and why they collapse. For anyone concerned with the survival of Western civilisation, it is an indispensable read. The book does not simply recount events. It traces the logic of political development from the tribal systems of early human societies to the eve of the French Revolution. Along the way, Fukuyama makes a case that directly reinforces the central arguments made in defence of the Western tradition.

Fukuyama identifies three essential pillars of a functioning political order: a strong and capable state, the rule of law, and political accountability. Each of these can exist on its own, but the rare achievement is to bring all three together in balance. A state without the rule of law becomes despotic. Law without a capable state becomes ineffective. Accountability without the other two produces instability. The genius of the Western tradition, he shows, was in achieving all three at once.

To illustrate this, Fukuyama undertakes a global comparison. Imperial China developed a powerful centralised state earlier than any other civilisation, with an efficient meritocratic bureaucracy. Yet it never produced a truly independent legal system capable of restraining the state. India produced sophisticated systems of religious law, but these were fragmented and failed to create a coherent state. The Islamic world combined strong governance with religious law, yet it struggled to institutionalise political accountability.

By contrast, Europe’s path was different. Its political fragmentation prevented any single ruler from monopolising power across the continent. Independent courts, influenced by both Roman law and Christian theology, emerged to check authority. Nobility, clergy, and eventually merchant classes fought for rights and representation. This was not accidental. It reflected the cultural and intellectual inheritance of the Reformation, which placed conscience above authority, and the Enlightenment, which championed reason and empirical inquiry as the basis for legitimacy.

Defenders

This history mirrors the argument made by defenders of Western civilisation today. As Douglas Murray notes, the West’s record is not free from error, but its core achievement has been the creation of institutions that restrain power and protect liberty. Fukuyama’s comparative evidence makes this point beyond dispute. Where other societies produced elements of good governance, only the West fused them into a durable structure that both empowered and limited the state.

The book’s message is also a direct counterpoint to the claims of Critical Race Theory (CRT). CRT portrays concepts like the rule of law, property rights, and meritocracy as tools of systemic oppression. Fukuyama’s research shows that, historically, these were hard-won safeguards against oppression. In societies without them, rulers could confiscate property at will, silence dissent, and elevate loyalty over competence. Neutral legal principles were not a disguise for domination. They were the means by which domination was prevented.

Fukuyama also warns that political order is fragile. History is littered with examples of states that regressed. Capable governments decayed into corruption. Laws once respected became tools for political vendettas. Accountability was hollowed out when leaders manipulated elections or suppressed opposition.

These reversals were not always caused by military defeat or economic collapse. Often they were the result of internal complacency, when societies forgot why their institutions existed and allowed short-term interests or ideological fashion to erode them.

Present moment

This warning speaks directly to our present moment. The Western tradition is under sustained attack from movements that reject equality before the law in favour of enforced equality of outcomes, and that dismiss free speech as dangerous rather than essential. Fukuyama’s historical examples show that such shifts are not harmless cultural experiments. They alter the foundations on which political stability rests. A society that abandons impartial law, that replaces merit with identity-based selection, or that undermines the separation of powers is one that is inviting decay.

The strength of The Origins of Political Order lies in its ability to connect these lessons across vastly different cultures and centuries. Fukuyama does not present the West as flawless or destined for dominance. He makes clear that its success was the product of specific historical conditions, and that these conditions can change.

The same processes that once produced progress can, under different circumstances, produce decline. For readers engaged in the defence of Western values, this is a reminder that history offers both inspiration and caution.

Why, then, should you read this book? First, it will deepen your understanding of how political systems actually work, beyond the slogans of contemporary politics. You will see how ideas, institutions, and power structures interact, and why certain combinations produce liberty while others produce tyranny. Second, it will equip you with factual, comparative evidence to answer critics who dismiss the West as simply another oppressor in history.

Fukuyama’s research demonstrates that the combination of strong state, rule of law, and accountability is not common and should not be taken for granted. Third, it will sharpen your awareness of the warning signs of institutional decay, which is essential if we are to prevent it.

Strategic thinking

Reading Fukuyama is an exercise in strategic thinking. You will come away not only with a richer grasp of history but with a clearer sense of what must be defended. In an age where ideological movements seek to dismantle the very institutions that have delivered the highest levels of freedom and prosperity in human history, such knowledge is not optional. It is armour.

If you care about preserving the freedoms and stability you enjoy, you should read The Origins of Political Order. It will show you how we arrived at this point, why the Western model remains exceptional, and how easily it can be lost. The book is both a tribute to human political ingenuity and a sober warning that nothing in political life is permanent. What history has built, neglect or ideology can dismantle. The choice to protect it lies with us.

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