The South African Government Has Relinquished its Monopoly on Enforcing Law and Order

Ernst van Zyl

September 12, 2026

5 min read

As the South African state starts losing its monopoly on violence security is enclavising.
The South African Government Has Relinquished its Monopoly on Enforcing Law and Order
Photo by Gallo Images/Brenton Geach

The German sociologist Max Weber defined the state as a political institution that holds a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force in order to maintain law and order within a given territory. This foundation for an ordered society is showing serious cracks in South Africa, but these cracks are being filled with a variety of non-governmental elements – good and bad.

Over the past 30 years, a power vacuum has emerged because the capacity of the African National Congress (ANC)-led government has declined in many respects. These include a collapse in service delivery, infrastructure maintenance, electricity and water supply, and policing.

The South African Police Service (SAPS) can no longer effectively carry out its constitutional mandate and primary function. According to a 2026 audit, only 44% of SAPS stations answer their telephones. In 2023 the Minister of Police confirmed that the SAPS had ignored more than 6.3 million calls for help over a period of three years. This figure represents more than 5 700 calls per day. In 2021, when the country suffered its worst wave of looting and riots since the end of apartheid – hundreds were killed and destruction totalled billions of rands – the SAPS proved woefully unprepared and overwhelmed.

The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is in a similar state of deterioration, having been drained and incapacitated by decades of neglect and mismanagement. More than 85% of its aircraft and fleet are out of action, while most of its budget is spent on salaries. SANDF soldiers have recently complained about a lack of combat boots, uniforms, medical supplies, and even starvation.

Three Entities

Only three entities possess the resources and organisational capacity to fill the vacuum that is left by this crumbling state: the private sector, organised communities, and organised crime. It is therefore no wonder that all three are currently flourishing in South Africa.

The growth in the power and sophistication of organised crime under ANC rule is well documented. Almost every sector and industry in South Africa has been infiltrated by some form of organised crime syndicate, such as the constructionwatertaxi, and hospital mafias. As recently emphasised again at the Madlanga Commission, South Africa ranks 7th out of 193 United Nations member states on the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime’s organised crime index. The country ranked 19th in 2021, when the first such index was published.

And just this year, President Cyril Ramaphosa said: “Organised crime is now the most immediate threat to our democracy, our society, and our economic development.”

For some, the distorted facade of order that organised crime creates in the communities it takes over is the best option, and sometimes the only one available. It usually takes the form of protection-money extortion, but it is preferred by some to the total lawlessness and anarchy that government collapse invites.

No industry epitomises the private sector’s response to government collapse better than the country’s private security sector. Over the past 30 years, this sector has developed into one of the world’s leaders in size, innovation, scope, and competitiveness. This sector has experienced more than 400% growth in active workers since 1997, and an almost 86% increase in registered firms since 2014. In 1997 there were approximately 115 000 active private security personnel in South Africa. As of 2026, this number has risen significantly to over 600 000. The SAPS has roughly 148 000 sworn officers, while the military have roughly 69 000 active uniformed personnel. This means that private security personnel outnumber those of the SAPS and military combined by a factor of almost three.

South Africa's policing capacity has been eroded so severely that the SAPS was forced in June 2026 to enlist the assistance and resources of private security firms to help maintain law and order during nationwide protests against illegal immigration. In striking contrast to the 2021 riots, looting and destruction were largely contained during the 2026 protests.

Community Safety Structures

The last non-governmental entity that made notable progress in recent years in maintaining law and order is that of community safety structures. Since 2012 the civil rights organisation AfriForum has established 177 neighbourhood and farm watches that, at their own cost and risk, cover thousands of kilometres of patrols every month and achieve remarkable successes every week. A recent example is when AfriForum’s Pretoria North neighbourhood watch played a critical role in rescuing two hijacking victims within 100 minutes and apprehending the perpetrators. AfriForum has also trained more than 500 proto-team members nationwide in tactical rural security response, coordinated responses to organised violent attacks, observation techniques, radio communication, crime-scene preservation, and emergency procedures.

In addition, modern technology has become an extraordinary force multiplier in combating crime. AfriForum’s community safety structures already own 48 drones, use hundreds of security cameras, and operate one of the largest independent radio networks in the country. Given the obvious fact that the SAPS’s capacity is weakening, especially in rural areas, the decline in farm murders in recent years cannot be attributed to government action. This decline is mainly due to better farm security, and the growth and improvement of private and community-based safety structures in rural areas.

One can therefore argue that the South African government no longer has a monopoly on lawful violence. Instead, it has effectively been demoted to a partner in the fight against crime among many in a pluralised security environment. With the country showcasing one of the largest and most competitive private security sectors and one of the fastest-growing community safety spheres in the world, the government has for the foreseeable future only two choices in the fight against crime: work together with these private and community initiatives – or struggle alone.

Van Zyl is the Head of Public Relations at AfriForum.

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