How a Parallel Illicit Economy Threatens National Security

Staff Writer

June 10, 2026

3 min read

The greatest danger posed by South Africa's illicit economy is not the loss of tax revenue. It is the emergence of a parallel system of power that increasingly performs functions traditionally reserved for the state.
How a Parallel Illicit Economy Threatens National Security
Image by Fani Mahuntsi - Gallo Images

When most people think of illicit economic activity, they think of lost taxes, counterfeit goods, smuggled cigarettes, illegal mining, or contraband alcohol. These are important concerns. The annual fiscal cost is substantial. However, the even more serious threat lies elsewhere.

Large illicit economies do not remain simple criminal enterprises. As they expand, they develop their own institutions.

An illicit economy of sufficient scale requires its own financing networks, transport systems, distribution channels, intelligence gathering, dispute resolution mechanisms, and ultimately its own security and enforcement structures that reach a scale where they overwhelm state institutions.

Illegal mining provides an example. What were once relatively small groups of informal miners have evolved into sophisticated organisations operating at industrial scale. They employ thousands of workers, control access to territory, maintain supply chains, move money across borders, and deploy armed security personnel to protect operations and enforce discipline.

In some areas these groups exercise more practical authority than the state itself.

The result is the emergence of parallel centres of power. Communities become less subject to the authority of government and more to that of criminal organisations that can offer employment and protection as well as intimidation and violence.

This process represents a direct challenge to sovereignty.

The state's monopoly on the legitimate use of force is one of the foundations of political stability. Once competing organisations begin to exercise coercive authority over territory, people, or economic activity, that monopoly weakens.

The illicit economy eventually evolves to a point where its wealth begins to purchase political influence.

Criminal organisations have little interest in overthrowing governments. It is usually far cheaper and more effective to influence them and, beyond that, gain some control over their processes. Illicit profits can be used to bribe officials, corrupt law enforcement, influence procurement decisions, secure protection from investigations, and shape political outcomes – by funding parties directly and then determining their behaviour and policy decisions in legislatures. The objective is not merely to evade the law but to shape how the law is applied.

As this occurs, the distinction between organised crime and political authority begins to blur. Politicians and officials become dependent on illicit funding, investigations are sabotaged, prosecutors face intimidation, and law enforcement becomes selective.

Citizens begin to lose confidence that laws apply equally and businesses lose confidence that contracts and property rights will be protected. As a consequence, investors begin to question whether formal institutions can protect their interests.

The impact extends far beyond economics.

A state that cannot reliably enforce its laws, secure its borders, protect legitimate businesses, or prevent criminal organisations from influencing political decision-making faces a growing crisis of legitimacy. The danger is that they become alternative centres of authority. That should worry South Africa’s lawmakers in the Government of National Unity, because states fail when they lose their monopoly on power, legitimacy, and enforcement.

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