When Journalism Becomes a Weapon

Simon Lincoln Reader

– November 6, 2026

4 min read

The campaign to associate right-wing figures with extremism has gone far beyond political criticism; from Britain to America and now South Africa, a culture of smears and ideological hostility is creating the conditions in which political violence becomes increasingly acceptable.
When Journalism Becomes a Weapon
Image by Pexels from Pixabay

In 2018, an Australian writer working for BuzzFeed in London called Mark Di Stefano started attacking the online right in his columns. BuzzFeed was swimming in Vice’s slipstream in the reactionary, punk-ish social justice commentary, but a line had been crossed, and it was no longer acceptable for anti-establishment figures on the right to make money from online platforms. Asked why he was initiating cancellation for figures including Tommy Robinson, Di Stefano would shrug: “I’m just asking YouTube why they are not enforcing their own terms of service.”

He was lying, as usual. One of the most unlikeable and deceptive profiles in British media for a generation, Di Stefano would eventually be sacked by the Financial Times (barely two months after being hired) for illegally surveilling a London Evening Standard crisis meeting where staff were being let go.

What had actually happened was that Di Stefano’s contempt for people possessed with politics different to his could no longer be contained. Using journalism to (barely) conceal grievance, Di Stefano and many others, mostly young, white writers, decided that any inch right from normie centrism was fair game by any means necessary.

Examples following Di Stefano’s hounding of Carl Benjamin (Sargon of Akkad) or Count Dankula (Nazi pug salute) would desecrate the media landscape, but a hopeless Conservative government led by Theresa May failed to diagnose the pattern. Sensible people could see what was happening, and it wasn’t just a case of right or alt-right personalities losing their livelihoods. Ultimately, the permission for violence against these people was being sought. Normalise punching (what we consider) a “nazi” or shooting (whom we interpret) a “racist”. No need for charges, courts.

There’s a strong probability that Rebecca Davis doesn’t know the full extent of this, which would explain why she so casually charged into an attempt to conflate the activities of Lex Libertas with the fringe lunatics of America’s most fascistic expressions. Appearing in the Daily Maverick last week, Davis suggested the appearance of a sausage machine linking South Africa and the United States (US).

But her basis is contentious. Davis draws the story on information procured from a neurotic American called Molly Conger, who first appeared on the scene in 2017. Conger was a project manager radicalised by the infamous Unite the Right Charlottesville rally in the US, swapping careers to dig through the digital trash of those very fringe lunatics. Like Davis’s decision to launch an attack on Dr Ernst Roets via Conger, Conger’s decision to change careers may well have been set on problematic assertions; in the ongoing indictment of the US’s Southern Poverty Law Center, the extremist group’s complicity in the day’s agitation, culminating in the death of a young woman, is being explored.

Violence

If the purpose of people like Conger is shaky, the consequences aren’t. The slaying of Charlie Kirk and, before that, the attempts on the life of a campaigning president. Predating that was the shooting of Congressman Steve Scalise. In the United Kingdom, there were the physical attacks on Nigel Farage, for which the perpetrators were barely sanctioned, and the murders of David Amess MP, then the murder of Ann Widdecombe earlier this year.

You’re not obliged to like any of these people; that’s not the point, nor what is being asked. The framing, in Davis’s case (the expression of tenuous links) is urging you instead to reduce your standards, or make exceptions, so that when or if some people are killed or harmed, it’s okay, because their existence, determined on the way they apparently think, is less valuable than others.

Last month in Texas, a young woman called Isa Casahuga picked up the microphone at a Turning Point USA-affiliated event similar to those that once featured Charlie Kirk himself. She recited her own poem celebrating Kirk’s murder, then menacingly needled the host Christian Collins for not wearing “neck protection”. Collins declared he would pray for Casahuga.

Such was the revulsion that Casahuga was compelled to publicly apologise for her remarks, but she yelps to an environment marked by sorry fatigue. Statements explicitly encouraging violence exist in the first place because favourable conditions have been established to accommodate them.

The trial of the man accused of murdering Widdecombe, set for next year, will be telling. Prosecutors allege Joshua Kerry’s extreme left-wing ideology as motive, but there was a time in living memory when hard, limited government advocates and emphatic shop stewards existed alongside each other in relative calm. Who broke the peace?

Never Sought

For all the right’s errors and lapses of judgment, it has never sought to compare left-wing media editors or reporters with Fidel Castro and his atrocities. Even in a febrile US, the YouTuber Hasan Piker is never portrayed as a “terrorist” by classical liberals or those to their right. But on the other side, people like Conger intrude into seated fears of antisemitism with conflations and smears; a habit now aped by political parties such as the UK’s Liberal Democrats, who seek to trace the conditions prior to Nazi Germany with Nigel Farage’s Reform, desperately trying (without success) to find congruence.

Davis is not accredited antifa media, but it is with coverage like hers that a group like that has found such license in recent years. And it's why violence, after decades of being rejected, finds itself inching closer than ever to being legitimised as a political consequence

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